Self Check Quiz
Standard
FCAT LA.A.1.4.2
Practice Test
1.
Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen
French National Assembly
OVERVIEW
Passed by the French National Assembly on August 26, 1789, this declaration outlined the basic rights of individuals and served as a manifesto of the French Revolution. It later became the preamble of the French constitution enacted in 1791.
The representatives of the French people, organized in National Assembly, considering that ignorance, forgetfulness, or contempt of the rights of man are the sole causes of public misfortunes and of the corruption of governments, have resolved to set forth in a solemn declaration the natural, inalienable, and sacred rights of man, in order that such declaration, continually before all members of the social body, may be a perpetual reminder of their rights and duties; in order that the acts of the legislative power and those of the executive power may constantly be compared with the aim of every political institution and may accordingly be more respected; in order that the demands of the citizens, founded henceforth upon simple and incontestable principles, may always be directed towards the maintenance of the Constitution and the welfare of all.
Accordingly, the National Assembly recognizes and proclaims, in the presence and under the auspices of the Supreme Being, the following rights of man and citizen.
1. Men are born and remain free and equal in rights; social distinctions may be based only upon general usefulness.
2. The aim of every political association is the preservation of the natural and inalienable rights of man; these rights are liberty, property, security, and resistance to oppression.
3. The source of all sovereignty resides essentially in the nation; no group, no individual may exercise authority not emanating expressly therefrom.
4. Liberty consists of the power to do whatever is not injurious to others; thus the enjoyment of the natural rights of every man has for its limits only those that assure other members of society the enjoyment of those same rights; such limits may be determined only by law.
5. The law has the right to forbid only actions which are injurious to society. Whatever is not forbidden by law may not be prevented, and no one may be constrained to do what it does not prescribe.
6. Law is the expression of the general will; all citizens have the right to concur personally, or through their representatives, in its formation; it must be the same for all, whether it protects or punishes. All citizens, being equal before it, are equally admissible to all public offices, positions and employments, according to their capacity, and without other distinction than that of virtues and talents.
7. No man may be accused, arrested, or detained except in the cases determined by law, and according to the forms prescribed thereby. Whoever solicit, expedite, or execute arbitrary orders, or have them executed, must be punished; but every citizen summoned or apprehended in pursuance of the law must obey immediately; he renders himself culpable by resistance.
8. The law is to establish only penalties that are absolutely and obviously necessary; and no one may be punished except by virtue of a law established and promulgated prior to the offence and legally applied.
9. Since every man is presumed innocent until declared guilty, if arrest be deemed indispensable, all unnecessary severity for securing the person of the accused must be severely repressed by law.
10. No one is to be disquieted because of his opinions, even religious, provided their manifestation does not disturb the public order established by law.
11. Free communication of ideas and opinions is one of the most precious of the rights of man. Consequently, every citizen may speak, write, and print freely, subject to responsibility for the abuse of such liberty in the cases determined by law.
12. The guarantee of the rights of man and citizen necessitates a public force; such a force, therefore, is instituted for the advantage of all and not for the particular benefit of those to whom it is entrusted.
13. For the maintenance of the public force and for the expenses of administration a common tax is indispensable; it must be assessed equally on all citizens in proportion to their means.
14. Citizens have the right to ascertain, by themselves or through their representatives, the necessity of the public tax, to consent to it freely, to supervise its use, and to determine its quota, assessment, payment, and duration.
15. Society has the right to require of every public agent an accounting of his administration.
16. Every society in which the guarantee of rights is not assured or the separation of powers not determined has no constitution at all.
17. Since property is a sacred and inviolable right, no one may be deprived thereof unless a legally established public necessity obviously requires it, and upon condition of a just and previous indemnity.
"The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen" states that
a.
guaranteeing rights requires force.
b.
a common tax is not necessary for an administration.
c.
any force may be used to detain someone for arrest.
d.
public agents are above reproach.
2.
The Reality of Vietnam
Robert Kennedy
OVERVIEW
As United States attorney general in the early 1960s, Robert Kennedy had supported the Vietnam War. By 1968, however, shortly after the Vietcong's Tet offensive, Kennedy—now a senator from New York—delivered a speech that was harshly critical of the government's Vietnam policy. The speech propelled Kennedy into the race for the Democratic Party's presidential nomination. Excerpts from the speech follow.
But a short time ago we were serene in our reports and predictions of progress. In April, our commanding general told us that "the South Vietnamese are fighting now better than ever before . . . their record in combat . . . reveals an exceptional performance." In August, another general told us that "the really big battles of the Vietnam war are over . . . the enemy has been so badly pummeled he'll never give us trouble again." In December, we were told that we were winning "battle after battle," that "the secure proportion of the population has grown from about 45 percent to 65 percent and in the contested areas the tide continues to run with us."
That is what we were told, and what we were told at the highest possible level.
Those dreams are gone. The Viet Cong will probably withdraw from the cities, as they were forced to withdraw from the American Embassy. Thousands of them will be dead. But they will, nevertheless, have demonstrated that no part or person of South Vietnam is secure from their attacks: neither district capitals nor American bases, neither the peasant in his rice paddy nor our ambassadors nor the commanding general of our own great forces. . . .
. . . We will find no guide to the future in Vietnam unless we are bold enough to strip away the illusions and to confront the grim anguish, the reality of that battlefield which was once a nation called South Vietnam. . . . It is time for the truth.
We must, first of all, rid ourselves of the illusion that the events of the past two weeks represent some sort of victory. That is not so. . . .
Two Presidents and countless officials have told us for seven years that although we can help the South Vietnamese, it is their war and they must win it; as Secretary of Defense McNamara told us last month, "We cannot provide the South Vietnamese with the will to survive as an independent nation . . . or with the ability and self-discipline a people must have to govern themselves. These qualities and attributes are essential contributions to the struggle only the South Vietnamese can supply." Yet this wise and certain counsel has gradually become an empty slogan, as mounting frustration has led us to transform the war into an American military effort.
The South Vietnamese Senate, with only one dissenting vote, refuses to draft eighteen- and nineteen-year-old South Vietnamese, with a member of the Assembly asking, "Why should Vietnamese boys be sent to die for Americans," while nineteen-year-old American boys fight to maintain the Senate and Assembly in Saigon. . . .
You cannot expect people to risk their lives and endure hardship unless they have a stake in their own society.
They must have a clear sense of identification with their own government, a belief they are participating in a cause worth fighting and dying for. Political and economic reform are not simply idealistic slogans or noble goals to be postponed until the end of the fighting. They are the principal weapons of battle. People will not fight—they will simply not fight—to line the pockets of generals or swell the bank accounts of the wealthy. They are far more likely to close their eyes and shut their doors in the face of their government—even as they did last week.
More than any election, more than any proud boasts, that simple fact reveals the truth. We have an ally in name only. We support a government without supporters. Without the effort of American arms that government would not last a day. . . .
And we are told that the war in Vietnam will settle the whole course of the future of Asia. But that is a prayerful wish based on unsound hope, meant only to justify the enormous sacrifices we have already made. The truth is that communism triumphed in China twenty years ago and was extended to Tibet. It lost in Malaysia and the Philippines, met disaster in Indonesia, and was fought to a standstill in Korea. It has struggled against governments in Burma for twenty years without success, and it may struggle in Thailand for many more.
The outcome in each country depends and will depend on the intrinsic strength of the government, the particular circumstances of the country, and the particular character of the insurgent movement. The truth is that the war in Vietnam does not promise the end of all threats to Asia and ultimately to the United States; rather, if we proceed on our present course and follow our present policy, it promises only years and decades of further draining conflict on the mainland of Asia—conflict which, as our finest military leaders have always warned, could lead us only to national tragedy. . . .
The history of conflict among nations does not record another such lengthy and consistent chronicle of error as we have shown in Vietnam. It is time to discard so proven a fallacy and face the reality that a military victory is not in sight and that is probably will never come. . . .
The Vietnam War teamed the United States and the South Vietnamese against communist North Vietnam. Why is it ironic that, by 1968, the South Vietnamese government refused to draft eighteen- and nineteen-year-old South Vietnamese men into their army?
a.
because eighteen- and nineteen-year-old American soldiers were dying in their efforts to help South Vietnam
b.
because the North Vietnamese had soldiers of that age
c.
because the South Vietnamese insisted that the American soldiers fight and die for them
d.
because American officials wanted the South Vietnamese to be drafted
3.
How many states did Bob Dole win in the 1996 election?
a.
51
b.
15
c.
19
d.
31
4.
from
The Iroquois Constitution
Dekanawida:~
The Tree of the Great Peace
I am Dekanawida and with the Five Nations' Confederate Lords I plant the Tree of the Great Peace. I plant it in your territory, Adodarho, and the Onondaga Nation, in the territory of you who are Firekeepers.
I name the tree the Tree of the Great Long Leaves. Under the shade of this Tree of the Great Peace we spread the soft white feathery down of the globe thistle as seats for you, Adodarho, and your cousin Lords.
We place you upon those seats, spread soft with the feathery down of the globe thistle as seats for you, Adodarho, and your cousin Lords.
We place you upon those seats, spread soft with the feathery down of the globe thistle, there beneath the shade of the spreading branches of the Tree of Peace. There shall you sit and watch the Council Fire of the Confederacy of the Five Nations, and all the affairs of the Five Nations shall be transacted at this place.
Roots have spread out from the Tree of the Great Peace, one to the north, one to the east, one to the south, and one to the west. The name of these roots is the Great White Roots and their nature is Peace and Strength.
If any man or any nation outside the Five Nations shall obey the laws of the Great Peace and make known their disposition to the Lords of the Confederacy, they may trace the Roots to the Tree and if their minds are clean and they are obedient and promise to obey the wishes of the Confederate Council, they shall be welcomed to take shelter beneath the Tree of the Long Leaves.
We place at the top of the Tree of the Long Leaves an Eagle who is able to see afar. If he sees in the distance any evil approaching or any danger threatening, he will at once warn the people of the Confederacy.
The Care of the Fire
The Smoke of the Confederate Council Fire shall ever ascend and pierce the sky so that other nations who may be allies may see the Council Fire of the Great Peace.
You, Adodarho, and your thirteen cousin Lords shall faithfully keep the space about the Council Fire clean and you shall allow neither dust nor dirt to accumulate. I lay a Long Wing before you as a broom. As a weapon against a crawling creature I lay a staff with you so that you may thrust it away from the Council Fire.
The Laws of the Council
Whenever the Confederate Lords shall assemble for the purpose of holding a council, the Onondaga Lords shall open it by expressing their gratitude to their cousin Lords and greeting them, and they shall make an address and offer thanks to the earth where men dwell, to the streams of water, the pools, the springs and the lakes, to the maize and the fruits, to the medicinal herbs and trees, to the forest trees for their usefulness, to the animals that serve as food and give their pelts for clothing, to the great winds and the lesser winds, to the Thunderers, to the Sun, the mighty warrior, to the moon, to the messengers of the Creator who reveal his wishes and to the Great Creator who dwells in the heavens above, who gives all the things useful to men, and who is the source and the ruler of health and life.
All the business of the Five Nations' Confederate Council shall be conducted by the two combined bodies of Confederate Lords. First the question shall be passed upon by the Mohawk and Seneca Lords; then it shall be discussed and passed by the Oneida and Cayuga Lords. Their decisions shall then be referred to the Onondaga Lords (Firekeepers) for final judgment.
When the Council of the Five Nation Lords shall convene, they shall appoint a speaker for the day. He shall be a Lord of either the Mohawk, Onondaga, or Seneca Nation.
No individual or foreign nation interested in a case, question, or proposition shall have any voice in the Confederate Council except to answer a question put to him or them by the speaker for the Lords.
If the conditions which shall arise at any future time call for an addition to or change of this law, the case shall be carefully considered, and if a new beam seems necessary or beneficial, the proposed change shall be voted upon and, if adopted, it shall be called, "Added to the Rafters."
The Clans
Among the Five Nations and their posterity there shall be the following original clans: Great Name Bearer, Ancient Name Bearer, Great Bear, Ancient Bear, Turtle, Painted Turtle, Standing Rock, Large Plover, Little Plover, Deer, Pigeon Hawk, Eel, Ball, Opposite-Side-of-the-Hand, and Wild Potatoes. These clans, distributed through their respective Nations, shall be the sole owners and holders of the soil of the country, and in them is it vested as a birthright.
People of the Five Nations [who are] members of a certain clan shall recognize every other member of that clan, irrespective of the Nation, as relatives.
The lineal descent of the people of the Five Nations shall run in the female line. Women shall be considered the progenitors of the Nation. They shall own the land and the soil. Men and women shall follow the status of the mother.
The Leaders
The Lords of the Confederacy of the Five Nations shall be mentors of the people for all time. The thickness of their skin shall be seven spans—which is to say that they shall be proof against anger, offensive actions, and criticism. Their hearts shall be full of peace and good will and their minds filled with a yearning for the welfare of the people of the Confederacy. With endless patience they shall carry out their duty, and their firmness shall be tempered with a tenderness for their people. Neither anger nor fury shall find lodgment in their minds, and all their words and actions shall be marked by calm deliberation.
The Festivals
The rites and festivals of each Nation shall remain undisturbed and shall continue as before because they were given by the people of old times as useful and necessary for the good of men.
The recognized festivals of Thanksgiving shall be the Midwinter Thanksgiving, the Maple or Sugar Making Thanksgiving, the Raspberry Thanksgiving, the Strawberry Thanksgiving, the Corn Planting Thanksgiving, the Corn Hoeing Thanksgiving, the Little Festival of Green Corn, the Great Festival of Ripe Corn, and the complete Thanksgiving for the Harvest.
The Symbols
A large bunch of shell strings, in the making of which the Five Nations' Confederate Lords have equally contributed, shall symbolize the completeness of the union and certify the pledge of the Nations represented by the Confederate Lords of the Mohawk, the Oneida, the Onondaga, the Cayuga, and the Seneca, that all are united and formed into one body or union called the Union of the Great Law, which they have established.
Five arrows shall be bound together very strong, and each arrow shall represent one nation. As the five arrows are strongly bound, this shall symbolize the complete union of the nations. Thus are the Five Nations united completely and enfolded together, united into one head, one body, and one mind. Therefore they shall labor, legislate, and council together for the interest of future generations.
What is the tone displayed in the Iroquois Constitution?
a.
angry
b.
playful
c.
joyous
d.
serious
5.
Since 1984 what has been the general trend in campaign spending for both presidential and congressional campaigns?
a.
The amount of money spent has declined.
b.
The amount of money spent has risen slightly.
c.
The amount of money spent has stayed the same.
d.
The amount of money spent has risen significantly.
6.
The Challenger Disaster
John Noble Wilford
OVERVIEW
On the morning of January 28, 1986, the worst disaster in United States space history took place. In full view of people on the ground and millions more on television, the space shuttle Challenger exploded just after its launch. Among the seven men and women on board was Christa McAuliffe, a teacher from a New Hampshire high school, who was scheduled to teach a lesson via satellite transmission. Excerpts from a piece written the same day by John Noble Wilford, space reporter for the New York Times, appear here.
Pasadena, Calif., Jan. 28 – In almost three decades, American astronauts and those who had watched them soar so often into space had grown used to success.
Indeed, modern society has come to live by the technology of its own creation and, over the years, the space shuttle program seemed to epitomize the very notion of technical imagination and excellence.
Yes, there had been disaster in the United States' space program: Three Apollo 1 astronauts died in a spacecraft fire on the launching pad in January 1967.
The shuttle program itself had setbacks. There were mishaps, delays, interruptions. Launchings were put off. Hardware malfunctioned. But no Americans had died in flight, and in 24 missions going back to April 1981, the United States space shuttles had made their way to and from orbit without one serious brush with disaster. It almost seemed that only time stood between space technology and its unfulfilled promises of the future.
REALIZATION OF VULNERABILITY
Today the almost casual acceptance of technology exploded in a fireball.
And suddenly, as a result, people are jolted into realizing once again the extreme vulnerabilities that all humans must inevitably subject themselves to when they attempt exploration, or even when they are simply willing to place their fates in the hands of technology.
The recent space flights were beginning to seem so matter-of-fact that the television networks ceased their live coverage of launchings and landings. Newspaper accounts were often relegated to the inside pages. The shuttles went up, and life went on with hardly a passing glance.
This was the way it was supposed to be. In promoting the shuttle project, the National Aeronautics and Space Administration promised that these reusable vehicles, combining the most advanced technologies of aviation and space flight, would eventually replace the conventional expendable rockets and make space travel more economical and relatively routine.
To underscore the increasingly routine nature of space flight NASA had moved to include non-astronauts on some missions, a senator, a congressman and now a schoolteacher.
Yet one needs no reminder now that those who take off for space in a shuttle are riding atop 2,000 tons of explosive fuel, the power needed to break the bonds of earth gravity and lift them above their world. . . .
"This is a day we have managed to avoid for a quarter of a century," said Senator John Glenn, who was the first American to orbit the earth. "We've talked about it before and speculated about it, and it finally has occurred. We hoped we could push this day back forever."
ASSESSING BARGAIN WITH TECHNOLOGY
At times like these, the nation is shaken into a reappraisal of the bargain modern society make in relying so much on advanced technologies. It has known these moments before. Nuclear power plants operate quietly and efficiently for years, generating electricity that runs our technological society, and then, at Three Mile Island in Pennsylvania, the system collapses and brings attention to the perils in our midst. Chemical factories go along processing the materials that have come to be expected in making lives easier, and then, at Bhopal in India, the system runs amok and brings death and contamination and other tragedies add to our feeling of vulnerability.
Still, there is no going back. The world's dependence on technology makes that impossible, and, it seems in the end, there is an enduring optimism that technology's benefits generally outweigh its ill effects and the disastrous moments that seem to make it undesirable.
The shuttles will no doubt fly again. There are three others in the fleet, Columbia, Discovery and Atlantis. But it could be months before space agency engineers can diagnose the cause of the catastrophe, devise and test the necessary corrections and feel confident enough to give the "go" for another countdown. . . .
Whenever shuttles are again prepared for launching, the nation will probably follow the countdown with a hushed dread.
Reporters watching dozens of spaceships lift off in a burst of controlled energy follow the trail of smoke and fire and know that something catastrophic could happen at any second. But with the run of dazzling successes the dark thoughts have receded in our minds, as they seemed to do for all people. . . .
Astronauts rarely speak of the risks they know they take. It is part of the test-pilot tradition to put "your hide on the line" with a nonchalance belying the knowledge and expertise they bring to the task. This attitude and the safe journeys of so many astronauts over the years made the risks seem somehow unreal.
Seeing the Challenger, with its crew of seven on board, blow up in the sky in the full view of everyone at Cape Canaveral and all the other watching on television will leave an indelible impression in the national memory, like the moment of a Presidential assassination or the attack on Pearl Harbor.
Americans will again put their trust in this bold new technology. Astronauts will fly the shuttles again because it is their calling, and they believe in what they are doing. Others, including journalists, will probably venture into space, too, no doubt approaching the adventure with a new respect, and some dread, with the image of the Challenger fireball in mind forever.
What did the author mean when he wrote, "only time stood between space technology and its unfulfilled promises of the future"?
a.
Time was the enemy of the future.
b.
The promise of space technology would not be fulfilled.
c.
Space technology was going to steadily improve and fulfill the promise of space travel.
d.
Space technology would continue to improve, but its promise would not be fulfilled in our lifetime.
7.
"Brother, Can You Spare a Dime?"
Yip Harburg and Jay Gorney
OVERVIEW
The song, "Brother, Can You Spare a Dime?" written by Yip Harburg and Jay Gorney, became the anthem of the Great Depression. The song appeared in Americana, a musical revue that opened in 1932, in New York.
"Brother, Can You Spare a Dime?"
They used to tell me I was building a dream,
And so I followed the mob
When there was earth to plough or guns to bear
I was always there right there on the job.
They used to tell me I was building a dream
With peace and glory ahead
Why should I be standing in line
Just waiting for bread?
Once I built a railroad, made it run,
Made it race against time.
Once I built a railroad,
Now it's done
Brother, can you spare a dime?
Once I built a tower, to the sun.
Brick and rivet and lime,
Once I built a tower,
Now it's done,
Brother, can you spare a dime?
Once in khaki suits
Gee, we looked swell
Full of that Yankee Doodle-de dum.
Half a million boots went sloggin' thru Hell,
I was the kid with the drum.
Say, don't you remember, they called me Al
It was Al all the time
Say, don't you remember I'm your Pal!
Buddy, can you spare a dime?
Source: "Brother, Can You Spare a Dime?" by E.Y. Harburg and Jay Gorney.
Why does the singer emphasize that his name is Al?
a.
He wants the listener to realize that he is not a bum—he is a neighbor, a friend going through hard times.
b.
He wants the listener to remember his name.
c.
The singer himself is in danger of forgetting his name and his old life.
d.
"Al" is a generic term for a male friend.
8.
On the South
Thaddeus Stevens
OVERVIEW
Representative Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania was the leader of a group of Radical Republicans who objected to the lenient Reconstruction policies of Presidents Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson. Stevens believed it should be difficult for the states that had seceded from the Union to rejoin it, and he wanted the Republican Congress rather than the president to be in control of the Reconstruction process. Portions of a speech he delivered on this matter on December 18, 1865, appear here.
The President assumes, what no one doubts, that the late rebel States have lost their constitutional relations to the Union, and are incapable of representation in Congress, except by permission of the Government. It matters but little, with this admission, whether you call them States out of the Union, and now conquered territories, or assert that because the Constitution forbids them to do what they did do, that they are therefore only dead as to all national and political action, and will remain so until the Government shall breathe into them the breath of life anew and permit them to occupy their former position. In other words, that they are not out of the Union, but are only dead carcasses lying within the Union. In either case, it is very plain that it requires the action of Congress to enable them to form a State government and send representatives to Congress. Nobody, I believe, pretends that with their old constitutions and frames of government they can be permitted to claim their old rights under the Constitution. They have torn their constitutional States into atoms, and built on their foundations fabrics of a totally different character. Dead men cannot raise themselves. Dead States cannot restore their existence "as it was." Whose especial duty is it to do it? In whom does the Constitution place the power? Not in the judicial branch of Government, for it only adjudicates and does not prescribe laws. Not in the Executive, for he only executes and cannot make laws. Not in the Commander-in-Chief of the armies, for he can only hold them under military rule until the sovereign legislative power of the conqueror shall give them law. …Unless the law of nations is a dead letter, the late war between two acknowledged belligerents severed their original compacts and broke all the ties that bound them together. The future condition of the conquered power depends on the will of the conquerer. They must come in as new States or remain as conquered provinces. Congress…is the only power that can act in the matter….
Congress alone can do it….Congress must create States and declare when they are entitled to be represented. Then each House must judge whether the members presenting themselves from a recognized State possess the requisite qualifications of age, residence, and citizenship; and whether the election and returns are according to law….
It is obvious from all this that the first duty of Congress is to pass a law declaring the condition of these outside or defunct States, and providing proper civil governments for them. Since the conquest they have been governed by martial law. Military rule is necessarily despotic, and ought not to exist longer than is absolutely necessary. As there are no symptoms that the people of these provinces will be prepared to participate in constitutional government for some years, I know of no arrangement so proper for them as territorial governments. There they can learn the principles of freedom and eat the fruit of foul rebellion. Under such governments, while electing members to the territorial Legislatures, they will necessarily mingle with those to whom Congress shall extend the right of suffrage. In Territories Congress fixes the qualifications of electors; and I know of no better place nor better occasion for the conquered rebels and the conqueror to practice justice to all men, and accustom themselves to make and obey equal laws….
They ought never to be recognized as capable of acting in the Union, or of being counted as valid States, until the Constitution shall have been so amended as to make it what its framers intended; and so as to secure perpetual ascendancy to the party of the Union; and so as to render our republican Government firm and stable forever. The first of those amendments is to change the basis of representation among the States from Federal numbers to actual voters….With the basis unchanged the eighty-three Southern members, with the Democrats that will in the best times be elected from the North, will always give a majority in Congress and in the Electoral college….I need not depict the ruin that would follow….
But this is not all that we ought to do before inveterate rebels are invited to participate in our legislation. We have turned, or are about to turn, loose four million slaves without a hut to shelter them or a cent in their pockets. The infernal laws of slavery have prevented them from acquiring an education, understanding the common laws of contract, or of managing the ordinary business of life. This Congress is bound to provide for them until they can take care of themselves. If we do not furnish them with homesteads, and hedge them around with protective laws; if we leave them to the legislation of their late masters, we had better have left them in bondage….If we fail in this great duty now, when we have the power, we shall deserve and receive the execration of history and of all future ages.
Steven's group of Radical Republicans
a.
endorsed President Lincoln's handling of Reconstruction.
b.
thought Lincoln had exacted too many penalties from the South.
c.
thought Lincoln had been too easy on the South.
d.
carried out Lincoln's policies on the South.
9.
The Analects
Confucius
OVERVIEW
The Chinese philosopher Confucius (551-479 B.C.) was a scholar and social reformer who hoped that his teachings on government and morality would lead to a more just society. The Analects are a record of Confucius's teachings compiled by his disciples after his death. The book served as a basic text in China for 2,000 years. This excerpt is loosely structured as a dialogue and touches on a number of concerns, including duty and leadership.
CHAPTER II
1. Confucius said, 'He who rules the people with virtue is like the Polestar, which keeps its place while all the other stars revolve round it.'
2. Confucius said, 'The Book of Songs contains (some) three hundred pieces. The moral of them all may be summed up in one sentence: "Have no evil thoughts."'
3. Confucius said, 'If in government you depend on laws, and enforce the laws by meting out punishment, you may keep the people from wrong-doing, but they will lose the sense of shame for wrong-doing. If, on the other hand, in government you depend upon virtue and maintain order by encouraging the rites, the people will have a sense of shame for wrong-doing and, moreover, will emulate what is good.'
4. Confucius said, 'At fifteen I had made up my mind to devote myself to serious studies. At thirty I stood on firm ground. At forty I had no more doubts. At fifty I understood the Decree of Heaven. At sixty I could understand whatever I heard without exertion. At seventy I could follow whatever my heart desired without transgressing the rules of right conduct.'
5. Meng Yi Tzu asked Confucius what constituted the duty of a good son. Confucius answered, 'Do not fail in what is required of you.'
Afterwards, as Fan Ch'ih was driving him in his carriage, Confucius told the disciple, saying, 'My Lord Meng-sun asked me what constituted the duty of a good son, and I answered, "Do not fail in what is required of you."'
What did you mean by that?' asked the disciple.
'I meant,' replied Confucius, 'serve your parents in accordance with the rites during their lifetime; bury them in accordance with the rites when they die; offer sacrifices to them in accordance with the rites.'
6. Meng Wu-po asked Confucius the same question as his father had. Confucius answered, 'Think how anxious your parents are when you are sick (and you will know your duty towards them).'
7. Tsu-yu asked Confucius the same question. Confucius answered, 'Nowadays, the duty of a good son is limited to giving support to his parents. But dogs and horses also support their masters. If there is no feeling of love and respect, what is the difference?'
8. Tzu-hsia asked the same question, Confucius answered, 'The difficulty is with your countenance. When anything is to be done, merely to have the young people do it and, when there is food and wine, merely to allow the old folks to enjoy it – do you think this is all that the duty of a good son involves?'
9. Confucius, speaking of the disciple Yen Hui, said, 'I have often talked with him for one whole day, during which he has never once raised a single objection to what I have said, as if he were dull of understanding. But when he has retired, on looking into his life and conversation, I find he has been able to profit by what I have said to him. No – he is not a man dull in understanding.'
10. Confucius said, 'See how a man acts; look into his motives; examine what he is content with. How can a man hide his true self, how can he hide his true self from you?'
11. Confucius remarked, 'If a man will constantly go over what he has acquired and keep continually adding to it new acquirements, he may become a teacher of men.'
12. Confucius said, 'A gentleman will not make himself into a mere vessel (fit only to do one kind of work).'
13. Tzu-kung inquired what constituted a gentleman. Confucius answered, 'A gentleman is one who acts before he speaks, and afterwards speaks according to his actions.'
14. Confucius said, 'A gentleman is affectionate but not partisan. A petty man is partisan but not affectionate.'
15. Confucius said, 'Study without thinking is labour lost. Thinking without study leads to frustrating confusion of mind.'
16. Confucius said, 'To give oneself up to the study of heretical doctrines – that is very injurious indeed.'
17. Confucius said to Tzu-lu, 'Shall I teach you, Yu, what is understanding? To be aware of what you know and to be aware of what you do not know – that is understanding.'
18. Tzu-chang was studying with a view to advancement. Confucius said to him, 'Read and learn everything, but suspend your judgment on anything of which you are in doubt; for the rest, be careful in what you say: in that way you will commit few mistakes. Widen your experience, but do not act on uncertain ground; for the rest, be careful in what you do: in that way you will have few occasions for self-reproach.
'Now if in your conversation you commit few mistakes, and in your conduct you have few occasions for self-reproach, there lies your advancement.'
19. Duke Ai asked Confucius what should be done to secure the submission of the people. Confucius answered, 'Advance the upright and set aside the crooked, and the people will submit. Advance the crooked and set aside the upright, and the people will not submit.'
20. Chi K'zng-tzu asked Confucius what should be done to inspire a feeling of respect and loyalty in the people, in order to make them exert themselves for the good of the country. Confucius answered, 'Treat them with dignity and they will respect you. Honour your parents and love the young, and the people will be loyal to you. Advance those who are able and educate the inept, and the people will exert themselves.'
21. Somebody asked Confucius, saying, 'Why do you not take part in the government of the country?'
Confucius answered, 'What does the Book of History say of the duties of a good son?
'"Be dutiful to your parents; be brotherly to your brothers." These family duties can be extended to the field of government. Why then must one take part in the government of the country in order to discharge the duties of government?'
22. Confucius said, 'I do not know how men get along without good faith. A cart without a yoke and a carriage without a harness – how could they go?'
23. Tzu-chang asked Confucius whether the state of civilization of the Hsia dynasty; the modifications they made are known. The present Chou dynasty adopted the civilization of the House of Yin; the modifications this last dynasty made are also known. Perhaps some other may hereafter take the place of the present Chou dynasty; but should that happen a hundred generations after the present, the state of civilization in the world of that time can still be known.'
24. Confucius said, 'To worship a spirit to whom one is not bound by a real feeling of duty or respect is idolatry; to see what is right and to act against one's judgment shows a want of courage.'
Confucius said, "Thinking without study leads to ____________."
a.
hard work
b.
complete understanding
c.
frustrating confusion of mind
d.
bad choices
